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CHAPTER I SITUATION OF POLITICAL PRISONERS IN CUBA 1. A communication of May 15, 1973, states:2 “We wish to advise Your Excellency that the life of the student Pedro Luis Boitel is in danger as a consequence of recent tortures. Boitel is at present arrested in Castillo Principe, Havana, Cuba, partially crippled as a result of previous tortures and ill treatment. We request urgent action to save his life.” In a note dated May 24, 1972, the Commission requested the corresponding information from the Cuban government, transmitting the pertinent parts of the report, in accordance with Articles 42 and 44 of its Rules of Procedure. Another report on the same subject was received on May 28 of the same year. It stated: “I do not think it is necessary to tell you who belong to the Spanish-speaking world, the deep sorrow felt by us, the exiled Cubans, at this terrible time, in which the news of Boitel’s murder has reached us, nor do I believe it necessary to tell his story since you should know it. But just in case you do not, this young, courageous, upright and Christian Cuban had been kept prisoner in Cuban prisoners for almost eleven years, and was one of the most persecuted, humiliated and ill-treated political prisoners in Latin America. He was very often cruelly punished and submitted to terrible tortures, to the point that he became a cripple, losing first the use of his legs and then his sight, as a matter that apparently caused no concern to any organization. I have written many letters requesting help for this unfortunate man without getting even a reply to them and now, only a few days ago, he has been stabbed to death.” In a note of June 6, 1972, the Commission again requested the Cuban government for the corresponding information. After the expiration of the statutory term without a reply from the Cuban government to those requests for information, the Commission adopted a decision on this case (OEA/Ser.L/V.II.39, doc.4 rev. 2) in its thirtieth session (April 1973). In the resolution, following a detailed account of the denunciations sent to the Commission since 1965, reporting on the situation of the political prisoner Boitel, and of the steps taken by the Commission before the government of Cuba and the systematic silence of the Cuban authorities in the face of the Commission’s requests for information, the Commission decided to make no recommendations to that government in accordance with Articles 9.b and 9 bis.b of its Statute since they would serve no practical purpose, and to transmit the denounced facts to the General Assembly, as a most serious instance of violation of the right to life, liberty, and security of human beings, set down in Article I of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man. The resolution was transmitted to the Cuban government in a note dated June 15, 1973 and submitted to the General Assembly of the Organization in the Annual Report of the Commission for that year.3 2. A communication dated 10 October 1971, said:4 “We request your intervention in favor of political prisoners in Cuba and, very particularly, in the prison of Manacas, Las Villas, where Mr. Oriol Acosta y García was murdered in his cell and others have been wounded. Mr. Oriol Acosta was murdered on 5 August, 1971.” By note dated March 29, 1972, the Commission requested the Cuban government for the corresponding information. Since no reply to the request for information was received from the Cuban government within the statutory term the Commission adopted a resolution on this case (OEA/Ser.L/V/II/30, doc.6 rev.2 dated April 27, 1973) in its thirtieth session (April 1973). The preamble of the resolution mentions the application of Article 9 (bis) of the Statute, under which the Cuban government was requested for the corresponding information, as prescribed in Articles 42 of 44 of the Regulations. It states that at the time of the twenty-ninth session, in October 1972, when the term of 180 days established in Article 51 of the Regulations had elapsed, the Cuban government had not furnished the information requested. Under the terms of that article, the occurrence of the events on which information has been requested from the government was presumed to be confirmed and it was deemed that no practical purpose would be served by making any recommendation as provided for in Article 9.b and 9 (bis) b of the Statute and that the General Assembly should be made cognizant of the light in which the Commission saw the denounced facts. Consequently, in the resolutive part, the Commission presumed that the charges against the Cuban government were true and advised the Assembly that they constituted a most serious violation of the right to life, liberty and security of human beings, established in Article I of the American Declaration. The resolution was transmitted to the government of Cuba in a note of June 15, 1973 and communicated to the General Assembly in the Annual Report of that year.5 3. A communication of April 16, 1974, stated:6 “For almost fifteen years Cuban political prisoners have been subjected to a cruel, inhumane and degrading prison system. This situation has been denounced by the prisoners themselves by means of hunger strikes and the petitions of humane treatment in compliance with the Declaration of Human rights and the agreements on human rights that have been signed by Cuba. There have been cases of persons who were arrested only to be released after years of imprisonment without knowing the charges against them. Others, who were imprisoned for years, without trial of judgment, were taken out of prison and shot out right. One of the first instances of the latter was that of the participants in the armed revolt in the El Escambray mountains late in 1960. Those who were not killed during the military operations were sent to the Isla de Pinos prison, still open at that time, without trial or judgement. After more than two hears, in July-August 1963, a group of those prisoners was taken out of prison, taken to the mainland and machine-gunned when they were getting out of the trucks in a place known as Torre de iznaga, Zona del Condado, in the province of Las Villas. Twenty-one prisoners died under the fire of machine guns. We can furnish the names of twelve of them, reserving the right to complete the list at a later date. The victims were: Carlos Curbelo del Sol, Carlos Montalvo, Zacarías García, Alejandro Toledo, Agustín Zerguera, Ruperto Ulacia, Liste López, Ignacio Zuñiga, Nené Fernández, Ramón Pérez, Alejandro Lima y Blas Marín. Ruiz Mayor and the youngster Aldo Chaviano were the survivors of this massacre. Mention should be made of the lot of Porfirio Remberto Ramírez, captain in Fidel Castro’s rebel army, who was President of the Students’ Federation at the Universidad Central de la Provincia de Las Villas. Porfirio Ramírez had been a combatant in the fight against the former régime. But this student was an idealist and a convinced believer in democracy, and he took to armed revolt. He was captured and summarily tried. At a certain time he was led to a place known as Campamento La Campana in Las Villas, and shot. Since 1 January 1959, thousands of persons have been shot without trial. From the list of such cases, between 1961 and 1970, we have taken the following, as examples: Lydia Pérez León, died during childbirth in the prison for women in Guanajay, at the age of 21, in January 1961. She was refused medical assistance during a pregnancy with complications. Her husband, also a prisoner in another establishment, hanged himself when he heard about the death of his wife and his son. Juan Pereira Varela (Juanín). Student, 21 years of age. Arrested in Havanna and shot without trial in Pinar del Rio, on December 17, 1961. Julio Medina, died at Castillo del Príncipe, of an asthma attack, without receiving medical care. The following also died in 1974, the exact date of death undetermined: José Pereda, Tomás Aguirre, Ramón Quesada, Julio Hernández, Filiberto Polledo Morales, Gastón Vidal, Manuel Cuevas, and Luis Alvarez Ríos. All of them, except for Roberto López Chavez, who died on a hunger strike without receiving medical care, were killed with clubs, machetes or bayonets, or shot to death, while the famous compulsory labor plan was being enforced. In 1967, the Isla de Pinos prison was torn down, and the prisoners were distributed among the many places of imprisonment on the island of Cuba. Rafael Fernández Varela, beaten to death at La Cabaña fortress. Francisco Balbuena Calzadilla, lost his mind and died as a result of the physical tortures he suffered in the concentration camps of Las Gavetas de San Ramón and Tres Maceos, in Oriente. Eduardo Molina and Alfredo Carrión Obeso, died in the concentration of Melena No. 2, without receiving medical care. Carmelo Cuadra, died as a result of a hunger strike, without receiving medical care, in La Cabaña, Havanna. René Amoedo Bueno died of an asthma attack, without receiving medical care, when he was being transferred from the Melena No. 2 concentration camp to Castillo del Príncipe, in Havanna. José Francisco Mira, who had participated in the Girón invasion, died at Melena No. 2, without receiving medical care. Esteban Ramos Dessel and Ibrahim Torres Martínez died in “shuttered cells” in Boniato jail, on February 4 and 7 respectively, having been denied medical care. Their corpses were discovered because of the stench. Lázaro San Martín was shot to death at 5 ½ jail, Pinar del Río, in December 1972. Enrique García Cuevas died on a hunger strike, without receiving medical care, in cell No. 4 of the new Provincial Jail of Santa Clara, on June 24, 1973. Diosdado Camejo died of anemia and malnutrition, in Morón jail, early in 1973. Oscar Morales Pascual died of illness, without having received medical care, in the Security Center No. 4, of Manacas, Las Villas, in March 1973. Olegario Charlot Pileta. This young Negro died on a hunger strike, without receiving medical care, in the famous “staircase” of Boniato prison, in January 1973. Marcelo Díaz was imprisoned at the Manacas concentration camp; he was transferred to the G-2 “repressive corps,” in Santa Clara. A few days later his family was informed that he had hanged himself in his cell. This occurred in early 1974. Manuel Ruiz del Cristo, 56, died of cancer in La Cabaña, Havanna, without receiving medical care, on Monday, January 14, 1974, at 3:20 p.m. It is worth noting the number of prisoners and of concentration camps with which the Castro administration has filled the martyr island: CENTERS OF IMPRISONMENT. Pinar del Río province: Taco Taco, Fajardo, El Caribe, El Blai, El Brujo, and San Tonio. Province of Havanna: Jails: La Cabaña, El Morro, Guanajuay. Forced labor farms: 100 and Jaruco 1 (adult) and 2 (minors), Nuevo Amanecer (formerly América Libre), for women, Valle del Perú, prison for minors under thirteen, and Paseo, Vedado, Combinado del Este (under construction, with capacity for 20,000 prisoners). Matanzas province: Jails: San Severino and Matanzas. Concentration camps: Aguica and Caballero Milián. Las Villas province: Jails: Santa Clara, Sagua, Remedios, Sancti Spiritus. Concentration camps: Security center No. 4, Ariza, Condado, and Preprensado. Camagüey. Forced labor farms: Florida and UMAP. Oriente province: Jails: Boniato (c0nsisting of huge pavilions, two of which are knows as “The shuttered cells” because the doors and windows have been covered up with steel plates), El Castillito, Baracoa, La Culebra. Concentration camps: El Mijial, Tres Maceos and Gavetas de San Ramón. “It is difficult to give the exact number of places of imprisonment because, according to whether the number of prisoners or the protests for mistreatment increase, the Government sets up or tears down these jails, abandons some of them, and establishes new ones in other places on the island. “At present, the women's concentration camp, which with the utmost cynicism was given the name of “America Libre” is being restored and painted, probably to give this grim place of imprisonment an attractive façade, in case some kind of inspection is allowed, while mistreatment and brutality persist inside. It is called “Nuevo Almanecer” ( new dawn), as if its name could disguise the black night of barbaric treatment inflicted there during almost fifteen years of infamy. In this connection, we recall the concentration camps that Hitler showed the International Red Cross during his era, which was also bloodthirsty and disgraceful.” In a communication dated June 24, 1974, the Commission requested that the Cuban Government supply pertinent information. After the deadline stipulated in Article 5 of the Regulations for that government to supply the required information, the Commission, in a note dated November 17, 1974, reiterated the request for information, pointing out, in addition, the expiration of the deadline and the presumption of truth established in the article. In view of the fact that the Cuban Government did not answer the communication, the Commission adopted at its thirty-fifth session, held in May 1975, a resolution on this case (OEA/Ser.L/V/II.35, doc.2, rev.1, of 29 May 1975). The aforementioned resolution states that, in October 1974, at the time of the thirty-fourth session, the 190-day deadline for supplying the information pursuant to Article 51 of the Regulations had passed and the Cuban Government had not responded. The Commission considers it pointless to make recommendations to that country's government, as provided for in Articles 9, paragraph b and 9 (bis) paragraph b of the Statute, in view of that government's systematic silence. Consequently, the Commission applied Article 51 of the Regulations, in this case, and considered that the events that had been denounced had been proven, classified them as gross violations of the right to life, liberty and the security of human beings, as established in Article I of the American Declaration, and decided to include the resolution mentioned in the annual report submitted to the Assembly.7 The aforementioned resolution was communicated to the Cuban Government in a note dated June 1, 1975. 4. Certain paragraphs of the communication dated April 16, 1974, report the following:8 “… three more Cuban political prisoners have died. They have been left to die in the most inhuman was … having been denied medical care. The first, Esteban Ramos Kessel was 51 and had been in jail for 9 years. He had been sick for some time, during which he never received any kind of medical care. When his condition worsened visibly, we applied to the Jail authorities requesting medical care for the dying man. The authorities accepted, but only on condition that he renounced his political beliefs … On February 4, he died in a dark corner of one of the “shuttered cells” without receiving medical care. Three days later, on February 7, in identical circumstances and after requesting medical care for humanitarian reasons, Ibrahim Torres Martínez, 29, who had spent almost 11 years in jail, also died without receiving medical care and for lack of such care. A month later, on March 7, another of our men, Adalberto Misa López, 42 years of age, who had spent 9 years in jail, died of asphyxiation. These three additional dead raise to 474 (four hundred and seventy four) the number of people murdered to date in the Havana jails.” 5. Another communication submitted to the Commission on October 24, 1974, which supplements that of April 16, reports the following:9 “On September 28, the political prisoner José Rodríguez Mosquera died in La Cabaña prison. He suffered from heart disease and asthma. Because he refused to wear the uniform of the “rehabilitated,” he spent years dressed only in his undershorts in the humid cells of the two-hundred-year old colonial fortress. Mistreatment and lack of medical care were causes of his death. In a letter dated September 16, which was smuggled out of La Cabaña prison, another killing is recounted. Place: the Melena concentration camp in Havanna (whether its camp 1 or 2 is not specified). The victim: a political prisoner who had agreed to the rehabilitation plan (it’s important to note that in spite of their acceptance, most are not freed until they have served their full term and in some cases they are not released even then). His name: Miguel, known to his companions as ‘Cachimba.’ What happened: He attempted to escape. The guards fired, wounding him in one leg. He collapsed to the ground in a sitting position. At an order from an officer, the guards continued to fire, and four or five more bullets entered his chest while he was sitting there begging for mercy. This action resulted in a general protest, which had to be put down by force.” At its thirty-fourth session, the Commission took note of this October 24 communication with its new charges against the Government of Cuba. At the same time, the Commission noted the Cuban Government’s failure to reply to a request for information, dated June 3, 1974, which contained the pertinent parts of the claimant’s original charge, dated April 16. Inasmuch as the time had run out for the Cuban Government to furnish the information requested, as established in Article 51 of the Regulations, it was decided to repeat the request for information and also transmit pertinent portions of additional information received from the claimants, in accordance with Articles 42 and 44 of its Regulations, and mention the expiration of the deadline stipulated in Article 51 and the application of the rule that claims are presumed to be true once that period runs out. In view of the Cuban Government’s failure to answer, the Commission approved a resolution (OEA/Ser.L/V/II.35 doc.3 rev.1, dated May 29, 1975) at its thirty-fifth regular session, held in May 1975. The preamble of the resolution points out that no reply was received from the Cuban Government. To the request for information, which was authorized under Article 8 (bis) of the Statutes and drawn up pursuant to Articles 42 (1) and 44 of the Regulations, within the 180-day period established under Article 51 of the Regulations, nor did the Government reply to a second request for information based on new communications received by the Commission from the claimants. Based on Article 51, the resolution considers the allegations to be proven an does not deem it practical to make any of the suggestions provided for in Article 9 (b) and 9 (bis) (b) of the Commission’s statutes, in view of the Cuban Government’s systematic silence on the numerous communications received by the Commission. In addition, the Commission stipulated that the resolution be included in its annual report to the General Assembly, stating that the allegations constitute a very serious case of violation of the right to life, liberty, security and integrity of the individual; equality before the law; a violation of justice; and a violation of protection against arbitrary arrest and due process of law, all of which are set forth in Articles I, II, XVIII, XXV, XXVI of the American Declaration.10 This resolution was sent to the Government of Cuba with a note dated June 1, 1975. B. The right to a fair trial and protection against arbitrary arrest11 1. A statement in a communication dated March 3, 1971, reads as follows:12 “We will set forth very briefly some aspects of the treatment still being given political detainees and prisoners in 1969, 1970, and 1971. “In the jails of the Cuban Political Police, the person detained is deprived of his belongings, money, watch, documents, and identification papers. His automobile keys and the clothing he is wearing are taken from him, and his is forced to wear a prison jacket (in Cuba we call it the Chamarreta) with a large P for political prisoner stamped on the back denoting his status as being opposed to the Communist state. Next … his picture is taken, and his weight and measurements are taken, in other words a general prison record is set up for him, identified by a prison serial number, and containing the nature of the crime he is charged with having committed against the Security of the Community State. Later …, the odyssey of the Cuban political prisoner begins: THE CONFESSION of his activities at any price. To get the confession, which every political prisoner is forced to make, he is interrogated for endless hours: at times he’s the object of praise, at times of cruel threats, sometimes it’s done by day, at others in the middle of the night; sometimes it’s done on a regular schedule, at others without a break; sometimes it’s conducted by apparently friendly interrogators, at others by men with the look of murderers and hangmen, capable of instilling fear in the bravest and calmest of men. When the exhausting, interminable interrogations and application of the third degree fail to bring the desired results, the wide range of torture used in the International Communism’s prison system is begun. Some of the methods used are: a. The political prisoner is put completely stripped into a freezing cold room; b. The political prisoner, again stripped, is put into a room with a very high temperature; c. The political prisoner is placed in a room just large enough to hold one person standing. He is kept there for a time calculated to cause terrible pain in his legs, which are supporting all his body weight. Often, the veins in the prisoner’s legs rupture with all the dreadful consequences this brings on. d. The confinement of the political prisoner in hermetically-sealed rooms with the lights turned on for 24 hours, I repeat, 24 hours a day, so that the prisoner’s mind is disturbed, he loses his sense of time and his sleep cycle is upset, because he is hardly able to sleep on account of the brightness of the lights in the room. e. Continuous solitary confinement, which is also intended to break the political prisoner’s spirit, so that he prefers to admit to any charge rather than continue to live under such conditions. f. The introduction of political police agents in prison cells for weeks and sometimes for months at a time, in order to spy on political prisoners, and, by pretending to be concerned about the accusations hanging over them, induce the prisoners to admit to the monstrous accusations of the State Political Police, and attempt to obtain confessions from the prisoners. g. The taking of political prisoners to places far from the detention centers, where death by firing squad is simulated with blank cartridges, or tracer bullets. h. The taking of political prisoners out to sea, in ships belonging to the Political Police, and place around the prisoner’s neck a thick rope with a slip knot, to the end of which is attached an anchor or concrete block, and threatening them with being thrown into the sea if they do not quickly confess that certain allegations made against them are true. i. Political prisoners are sometimes interrogated continuously, without rest, by successive teams of inquisitors, in order to break them down. When the political prisoners beg to be allowed to sleep, he is told that he may not sleep unless he confesses. j. Political prisoners are sometimes subject to the application of the Russian symphony, which consists in strapping them to a chair, and then cracking a whip with great violence, producing a shattering, deafening noise which damages the ear-drum. k. As regards physical tortures, a frequent method is to take the political prisoner by the feed and submerge his head in a pool of water, so that he gradually suffers the symptoms of asphyxiation by drowning. l. Political prisoners are sometimes forced to remain standing, without being allowed to lean on anything, a procedure which disturbs the circulation of the blood. m. Political prisoners are ordered to remain standing, with their legs apart, and are then beaten on the genitals with steel bands. This produces extreme pain, in view of the effects of these blows on such a delicate part of the human body. n. “Las tapiadas.” This name has been given to female political prisoners in Cuba incarcerated in cells where they are isolated for violations of the iron discipline of the prison. In these cells there is no light and almost no water. The prisoners are kept naked in a very confined space. Their food is served to them at different times of the day, so that they lose all notion of time. They may not receive visits or letters. They remain there, in a state of confusion, for weeks at a time. o. When the political prisoner is a person of some importance, he is kept locked up in a room, totally isolated from the outside world, He is not allowed to sleep. The temperature of the room is kept high, and electric light bulbs burn constantly. He is constantly sweating, but is not allowed to take a bath, nor to clean himself in any way. As a result of this treatment, he develops a skin rash. This eventually develops into open wounds, which cause the political prisoner terrible pain.” 2. A communication of August 5, 1971, states that:13 “In the Castillo de El Príncipe, in Section Six, there is a group of 10 men who are political prisoners, and who have been totally isolated from the rest of the prison population since December 19, 1970. Their names are: ELOY GUTIERREZ MENOYO, HUBERT MATOS, PEDRO LUIS BOITEL, CESAR PAIZ, T. LAMAS, A. GAMIS, L. BLANCO, J. PUJAL, J. VALLS, AND O. FIGUEROA. Most of these ten men had been in the Guanajay Prison. On December 18, they were told to collect their few pitiful possessions, and were kept completely incommunicado until the following day, when they were transferred to the Castillo de El Príncipe and incarcerated in Section Six. Since that date (exactly seven and a half months ago), the only contact these men have had with other people has been on visiting day, which occurs once a month, when one or two relatives are allowed to enter. The visit, which lasts one or two hours, is made in private ( and not in a place reserved for visits); no one else may see them, nor may they see anyone. They have a small courtyard measuring approximately 3 x 10 meters, enclosed by four huge whitewashed walls which, despite their height, allow some rays of sun to penetrate; these they enjoy from 12 to 3 in the afternoon. The Commission, in a note dated November 17, 1971, requested the relevant information from the Government of Cuba. When the Government of Cuba did not reply to this request within the required time, the Commission, at its thirtieth meeting, (April 1973), adopted a resolution on this case (OEA/Ser.L/V/II.30 doc.5 rev. 2, of April 27, 1973). This resolution, after transcribing in the preamble the text of the denunciation, refers to the request for information transmitted to the Government of Cuba, in accordance with the powers granted the Commission by Article 9 (bis) of its Statute, and notes the fact that the aforementioned government had not replied to the Commission within the period of 180 days established by Article 51 of the Regulations. The Commission believed that there was no point in making any recommendations to the aforementioned government of the kind envisaged in Articles 9, paragraph b and 9 (bis), paragraph b of its Statute, in view of the silence of the Cuban authorities on the matter, and it therefore decided to make known to the General Assembly the proper assessment of the facts of the denunciation. In the operative part of the resolution, the Commission takes as proven the facts of the denunciation, based on Article 51 of the Regulations, and points out to the Assembly that these constitute a very grave violation of the right to liberty, security and integrity of the person (Article I of the American Declaration), and that the Government of Cuba is thus charged. This resolution was transmitted to the Government of Cuba in a note dated June 15, 1973, and made known to the General Assembly of the Organization in the annual report corresponding to that year.14 3. In a communication dated April 5, 1974, which was included in case 1905, appears a list of political prisoners in the prison of Guanajay, Province of Havana, who are suffering ill-treatment and lack of medical care. The list is as follows:15 1.
Teodoro González Alvarado. 139. Félix Medina Duarte 140. Raúl Morales López 141. Baldomero Pérez Alvarez 142. Ignacio León Dany 143. Miguel Martínez 144. Mariano Guzmán 145. Nemesio Ruiz Pérez 146. Felipe Escalada Montalvo 147. Guillermo Escalada Montalvo 148. Arnaldo Ramos Yaniz 149. Pedro Valladares García 150. Emilio Caravajal Rodríguez 151. Eusebio Velix Costa 152. Máximo Paz Gamboa 153. Fernando Fernández 154. Miguel Mendoza 155. Juan Reyes Morales 156. Marco Tulio Beruff Pérez 157. Pable R. Planas Ojedavo 158. Francisco Tamayo 159. Juan Machin 160. José Roig Rodríguez 161. Evariste Bermúdez 162. Gonzalo Fernández 163. Francisco José Perez Herrera 164. Jesús Silva Pontigo 165. Sergio Montes de Oca 166. Alberto C. Jans Padrón 167. Víctor Miguel Canton Gómez 168. Jesús Rodríguez Mosquera 169. Osvaldo Fernández Izquierdo 170. Alfredo Mustelier Nuevo 171. Rolando (Fernández) Castro (Ferrando) 172. Eugenio Ledon Aguilar 173. Enrique Costa Vázquez 174. Juan Valeés Terán 175. Gustavo Areces 176. José R. González Llerena 177. Ramón Cueto Pérez 178. Miguel A. Alvarez 179. Nicolás Morejón Rodríguez 180. Gabriel González 181. Mario Echavarria Camejo 182. Rigoberto Pérez Roque 183. Reinaldo Blanco Betancourt 184. Gerardo Martínez Pérez 185. Elio Curiel Ortega 186. Ovidio González Carmenate 187. Angel L. Marti Brizuela 188. Israel Galán Garces 189. Federico Rodríguez 190. Carlos Betancourt Rodríguez 191. Eusebio Peñalver Mazorra 192. Heriberto Bacallao Espinosa 193. Armando Yong Martínez 194. Ismael Hernández Luis 195. Eloy R. Rodríguez 196. Santiago Rodríguez Barban 197. Vicente Rodríguez Molina 198. Mateo Rodríguez Rodríguez 199. Leduvino Segura Segura 200. Rene Cruz Cruz 201. Pablo Palmiemi Elie 202. César Mas. 203. Manuel Almaguer Garrido 204. Orlando S. García Plasencia 205. Ramón Grau Alsina 206. Eduardo Capote Rodríguez 207. Pablo Prieto Castillo 208. Eduardo Capote Rodríguez 209. Francisco S. Grau Sierra 210. Reinaldo Regueroa Gálvez 211. Alberto Qadaz Acosta 212. Ignacio Cuesta Valle 213. Elio Leal Sánchez 214. Luis Ruiz 215. Norberto Belaunzaran 216. Daniel Reyes 217. Ivo Guerra 218. Alberto Grau Sierra 219. Mario Chanes 220. Tirso Alvarez 221. Eduardo Carreras Vallina 222. Eleno Oviedo 223. Lázare Quiñones 224. Guido Valiente Briban 225. Humberto Victorado 4. Other documents that form part of the aforementioned case include a list of political prisoners in different places in Cuba who are presumably in the same situation as those of Guanajay. The list is as follows:16 1. José Miguel Exposito Carbonell 2. Enrique García Cuevas 3. Orlando Roberto Morffi 4. Diosdado Camejo 5. Roberto Cardes 6. José Bauro Blanco M. 7. Rolando Borges Paz 8. Marcelo Melgado Cruz 9. Orestes G. Morales González 10. Rene Marcial Matos 11. Roberto Martín-Pérez Rodríguez 12. Félix Lima 13. Fabian Luzardo Díaz 14. Arnoldo Hernández Luego 15. José Antonio Jiménez Caballero 16. Gregorio González González 17. Juan de Dios Alfredo González Ruíz 18. Amado García Vega 19. Conrado Gómez García 20. Roberto del Toro Frometa 21. Juan Vicente Delgado 22. Juan José Luis Colina Alemán 23. Alberto Cruz Cancio 24. Joaquín Chayin González 25. Georgina Cid Crespo 26. J. I. Carreño 27. Mamerto Casana Pérez 28. Enrique Borges Rodríguez 29. Rolando Boue Trueba 30. Pelaxo Lasa Parla 31. Raúl Ledón Pérez 32. Enrique Arias Arias 33. Norberto Belausaran López 34. Matías Alonso Aquino 35. Alberto Alvárez de la Campa B. 36. José Vega García 37. Elier Viamonte Espin 38. Pablo Castellanos Caballero 39. Lutgardo Castellanos Vázquez 40. Huber Matos 41. Domingo Miranda Suárez 42. José Agustín Torres Sirule 43. Rafael Turino Ibáñez 44. Julio Rodríguez Lamelas 45. Roberto Rodríguez Montoro 46. Armando Cubria Ramos 47. Ernesto de la Fé 48. Alfredo Vilas Fajardo 49. José Ignacio Yaniz 50. Ismail Valdes Gueinaga 51. Gregorio Francisco Valdes Paz 52. Hilario Suárez 53. Angel Tojeiro Diaz 54. Carlos Serrer 55. Rene Sotolongo 56. Ofelia Emérita Rodríguez Roche 57. Domingo Sánchez Ortega 58. Damaso Enrique Rodríguez Pons 59. Luis María Rodríguez Requeira 60. Luis Rodríguez Fuentes 61. Mario Rodríguez Quintana 62. Ramón Portal Medel 63. Lino Guillermo Rivero Acosta 64. José Piloto Mora 65. Carlos Pons Wottu 66. Rubén Perez Rios 67. Gabriel Lupo Pichardo González 68. Arístides Pérez Montañés 69. Orlando Pérez Oliva 70. Antonio Pérez Borrego 71. Luis Pérez Dias 72. Pedro Pedraza Portal 73. José Oriol Pedraza Felipe 74. Mario Pacheco |
